Archival paper completed in August 2001: Cultural Responses in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and American Security
Alexander Research & Consulting
Ronald Alexander Ph.D.
(Attention to readers: Received by several agencies and newspapers in August 2001, this study looked at the motivational position of actors that demonstrated severe aggression models to oppose United States security and international law. Emphasis on the dates and timeline directs the reader to understand that the momentous date of 11 September remains significant in exploring the critical difference in tactical decision points in both Western and Islamic world views – The Battle of Zenta or the posting of sentinels and the managing of signals during the Siege of Vienna. Also, please take your time to appreciate the haiku “Love Birds.”
I had this paper published in a local newspaper in Rosamond, Kern County, California. I once taught Social Science and other curricula in this high desert location in the Southern Kern Unified School District. I also held an adjunct teaching position for Chapman University on Edwards Air Force Base, approximately 29 minutes east of this unincorporated community.)
Love Birds
Song “Six Two Eight” played
scales by Islam words by street
lamps with iced grivnas
As an American citizen, I was appreciative of the delivery to The Hague of Slobodan Milosevic, the former ruler of Serbia. Although without a complete mandate from its people, the Serbian government found that it would become a reactionary regime if it did not turn its former leader into the International Criminal Tribunal located in The Hague in the Netherlands.
The surrender of Milosevic does suggest an acceptance by Serbia of “wrongdoing”. On the other hand, it univocally acts with Serbia’s historical circumstances. The connection is quite important, for it can transcend the primary qualities of objective reasoning and the said relationship to others and things to a more suppressed and latent condition reflecting unreality feelings.
History has proven that the Slavic regions of Europe have had a long and fulfilling civilization. Serbian History, and its larger connecting form, Slavic History, did not begin when Ptolemy, during the second century A.D., wrote in his work “Geographike hyphegesis” about the location of a Slavic People. Admiringly, Ptolemy referred to these people as “the greatest nation” due to their culture and demographics. Yet, concerning the present experiences visited upon Serbia and Yugoslavia, historical conditioning, which presses upon the Serbian populace, did not array from this distant past.
Contrasting with other realities, the choice to send Slobodan Milosevic to the War Crimes Court on 28JUN stimulated regard for the past and a sense of injury in the present. Suppose the former Republic of Yugoslavia inculcates the date of Milosevic’s discharge as of national importance, as it has. In that case, the only choice for its national institutions is to constitute the date as one in its intervals of historic repetitions. I have found that the tonality for many of these intervals took precedence during June. Thus, these acts have become characteristic of the innumerable associations which dominate Serbian hegemony and culture.
An explanation of these intervals is as follows:
On 28JUN1389, Serbia fell to the Ottoman Empire at the famous Battle of Kosovo.
On 10JUN1868, Michael Obrenovic, heir to the throne, was assassinated. He had tried to unite all South Slavs within a Balkan League to counter the presence of Ottoman Turks and their henchmen throughout the peninsula.
On 28JUN1869, the constitution of Kragujevac took effect.
On 10/11JUN1903, a pro-Russian and an anti-Austrian faction assassinated King Alexander Obrenovitch of Serbia and his wife, Draga, (with linkage to his brother’s death).
On 28JUN1912, Serbia became independent from the Ottoman Empire.
On 29/30JUN1913, the Second Balkan War began with Bulgaria fighting Serbia and Greece.
On 28JUN1914, marked the infamous assassination of Francis Ferdinand and Sophie of Austria-Hungary.
On 26JUN1917, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevic (aka-Apis), leader of the Black Hand terrorist order, who had masterminded the murders of Francis Ferdinand and Sophie, sentenced to death.
On 28JUN1921, St. Vitus Day (Serbian calendar), the constituent Skupstina promulgated the Vidovdan Constitution, directing attention to the challenges of centralization, autonomy, and federalism in Yugoslavia.
On 28/29JUN1948, The Soviet Union used its hegemony to expel Yugoslavia, once led by Josip Broz (AKA – Tito), from the Cominform.
On 25JUN1991, Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence from Belgrade.
On 28JUN2001, Slobodan Milosevic became the world’s first national leader extradited to The Hague to stand trial for crimes against humanity.
It is pretty evident that the recurring dates or circumstances around the initial date of 28JUN, St. Vitus Day, stimulate a form of reproduction in Serbian History. Outside of its relationship with nationalist overtones, St. Vitus Day does represent a Christian person who accepted martyrdom for having a deep belief in his faith. This behavior does not only affect sensitive persons. Even the scouting groups in Serbia refer to an event named a “Vidovdan Scout Meeting”.
The reception of Milosevic on Serbian terms only assists this recurrent image of Serbian victimization. Most importantly, it has affected the present government in Belgrade, as indicated by the capture of Milosevic and his subsequent release to the West. Since the Yugoslavian government released Milosovic, that entity took responsibility for the selected date and any adverse outcomes that may materialize. Although, to some extent, the International Criminal Tribunal, and its chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, ought to have postponed Milosevic’s departure, for it must have known the importance of that anniversary to the Serbs. This confidence connects the U.N. Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, and his office since the United Nations has a controlling agency in the outcome.
>The extradition of Slobodan Milosevic has its parallel with the case of Dragutin Dimitrijevic (Apis). Some interrogated members of the Black Hand did accuse Dimitrijevic as a conspirator in the assassination of the Austrian Prince and his wife, in Sarajevo. Consequently, the Belgrade government promised to aid in the investigation of crimes committed by the terrorist organization, which Dimitrijevic led. In 1914, Serbian officials eventually requested that the International Court at the Hague conduct the investigation, avoiding the appearance of a conflict of interest. Shrewdly, the Serbian courts found Apis guilty.
Currently, Yugoslavia’s Cabinet, which is led by Zoran Djindjic, gave tacit approval for extraditing alleged war criminals to The Hague in June. This order allowed Milosevic’s release. Djindjic was in opposition to Serbian President Vojislav Kostunica, who had supported the Serbian high court’s decision of not to extradite. Quite obviously, the information that the authorities received in the case against Dimitrijevic would not discover his guilt in court. It would take the pressure which Austria-Hungary asserted
The International Criminal Tribunal on 27MAY1999, indicted Milosevic and other Serbian authorities for crimes against humanity, due to their leading efforts in Kosovo. To counter the indictment, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has accused the United States, and nine other allied nations, of committing an illegal act of aggression. The International Court of Justice received, on 24APR2001, an application for the revision of the judgment of the court. What Yugoslavia wanted was a ruling in their favor, limiting the Court’s jurisdiction. No such ruling was forthcoming.
Instead, Milosevic’s successor, Vojislav Kostunica, who had at first complained of Milosevic’s extradition, has availed his government and his nation’s infrastructure of the lifting of the trade restrictions that were imposed since 1991. Tens of millions of dollars will now be made available to reconstruct Belgrade and its environs, which had fallen to 78 days of Allied bombing. Opening Yugoslavia to western contacts will help avoid any negative designs towards Kostunica’s transition period.
The political reasons for President Clinton’s decision to commence hostilities in Europe were obvious. First, in March 1995, the United States government opened its military campaign against the Milosevic regime with air strikes aimed at Serbian command, communications, and control centers in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Next, the United States had to prevent another Srebrenica, where 7,000 Bosnian Muslims, all civilians, were killed on July 11, 1995. That is one reason why United States Ground Forces, after the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords, entered the region in 1995. Then, the United States had to prevent another Kosovo, where more than 750,000 ethnic Albanians were forced into exile or refugee centers. That is one reason why United States Forces launched an air campaign against Belgrade in 1999. Furthermore, in Macedonia, United States Marines have had to secure our embassy from mob attacks, and ground forces are poised to stabilize a treaty between Albanian National Liberation Army forces and the government of Macedonia. Americans need to remember that the encouraging outcome in the Balkans, which we witness today, would not be possible without the abilities, courage, and stamina of those United States Forces, both military and civilian, who have served well, and who remain serving, in the region.
In like manner, every avenue of interest needs to be studied and verified in order to “outflank” the present political cynics and subtle humorist in Belgrade. Wise words, connected to solid and safe deeds, can benefit all groups in the common region negotiations. Activities in the Balkans now includes Macedonia and its entanglement with ethnic Albanians and their nativistic National Liberation Army.
The Olympic Games took off in Sarajevo in 1984. Both national and international efforts sustained that event, hosting forty-nine nations. To recover and rebuild this region, each nations’ leaders need to think beyond those cultural responses of the past. For they have become a “trojan horse” with a burden of mistrust and anger. Any ideas to ease potential, negative beliefs, which are submerged in the minds of both ethnic leaders and their followers living in the Balkans, as reflected in their attitudes and experiences, must be found. With reliable concepts, growth can begin within the region. An example of this reference views that of St. George, the Patron Saint for Boy Scouts. His death was circa A.D. 300, as was St. Vitus. Yet, his largeness does not separate children and their families because of a nationalist view. This figure indulges feelings of inclusion, not of manipulation. His patronage builds upon a more comprehensive concept, not only local realities. Decisive actions can, and indeed must assist in the continued protection of our military and our civilian personnel “holding the line” in the Balkans. The Serbian word for freedom is “sloba”. With a new government in place, perhaps now is the time for a regeneration of “freedom” in Yugoslavia.
© 2001 Ron Alexander Ph.D.
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